Stanford and the Legacy of the Leonard Law

BY JOHN K. WILSON

California’s Leonard Law, passed in 1992, is unique in the country: It requires private universities to protect some elements of the First Amendment just like a public university. Last month, the Stanford Daily wrote about the Leonard Law controversy on campus, focusing on the Stanford College Republicans and their claim that the Leonard Law protects their right to invite controversial speakers. One of the College Republicans noted, “The University knows it can’t ignore our objections because without a legitimate reason, there’s the Leonard Law and they could have a lawsuit on their hands.”

Stanford Law professor Michael McConnell argued, “The Leonard Law is only about disciplining students for exercising their free speech, not inviting speakers to campus,” That was true when the Leonard Law was originally passed in 1992. However, it was amended in 2006 (in response to the 7th Circuit’s terrible ruling in Hosty v. Carter) to say that the law “does not authorize a prior restraint of student speech or the student press.”

The question is, does a ban on prior restraint of “student speech” apply to speakers invited by students? I think it must. Consider this example: Suppose that a student newspaper planned to print a letter to the editor written by a faculty member. Could the university ban this letter from being printed on the grounds that it was engaging in prior restraint of faculty speech, not student speech? Clearly, the answer is no. The purpose of the Leonard Law amendment was not to allow partial censorship of student publications, but to protect them entirely. By the same logic, the protection of “student speech” must include all events that students organize, even if they include non-student speakers. Because students are organizing, introducing, and questioning outside speakers, “student speech” is intertwined with any student-organized event, and student-invited speakers are covered by the Leonard Law.

The question of funding is different; although the First Amendment covers funding, the Leonard Law doesn’t fully apply the First Amendment to private colleges; it only mentions student discipline and prior restraint of speech. However, Stanford should ensure fair funding of student events, and pay all necessary security expenses when controversial speakers are protested.

I oppose the Leonard Law, as I have since it was enacted. I believe that private colleges should be persuaded to protect intellectual freedom, not forced by the government to do so, and that colleges should aspire to have stronger standards to better protect free expression than the requirements of First Amendment law. And, in fact, Stanford’s official position is exactly that.

Unfortunately, some people at Stanford don’t share that commitment to free speech for all. Stanford professor David Palumbo-Liu argued for banning speakers who “are not here to share ideas and engage in conversation and discussion so much as to get attention for and recruit for organizations that have proven to be antagonistic to free speech.” Palumbo-Liu claimed that an event with Charlie Kirk, the founder of Turning Point USA (TPUSA), had the potential to stifle free speech because TPUSA created the “Professor Watchlist” and advocated for censorship.

According to Palumbo-Liu, “Speakers who come to campus to recruit for groups whose aim is to stifle free speech in such ways should be treated differently, I believe.” There is a serious problem with advocating a ban on people who oppose free speech. In doing so, you are opposing free speech, which means you can then be subjected to such a ban. By calling for the suppression of free speech, Palumbo-Liu is no different from Kirk and can be banned from speaking on campus according to this policy, as can anyone who agrees with a policy of censorship.

Even though Kirk is a hypocritical opponent of free speech on campus, that does not mean he presents any kind of immediate threat to free speech. Kirk’s ideas, if enacted, may have terrible consequences. But the threat to free speech does not come from allowing people on campus who call for censorship. It comes from actually limiting free speech in the name of some higher cause.

It’s noteworthy that many of the activist left-wing students quoted by the Stanford Daily have a better understanding of free speech than some of the faculty and administrators at Stanford. Ruben Kruger, a student who took part in protests outside the Ben Shapiro event, noted: “Stanford should always support free speech and intellectual diversity.”

Ravi Veriah Jacques, the co-founder of a liberal campus publication called the Stanford Sphere, told the Stanford Daily: “I don’t see it as on the ASSU or the administration to determine if speakers like Robert Spencer should come. I think it’s on the left to just not pay attention, as we did for Charlie Kirk and Candace Owens.” Jacques also described the Leonard Law as a tool that “undermines freedom of speech itself.” Jacques added, “The right just wants the right to polemicize demagogic opinions that get broadcast on Fox so that the left looks like it opposes free speech.”

The question is, even if you think conservatives are merely playing a manipulative game about free speech, why do so many on the left help them play it? If we don’t want the left to look like it opposes free speech, the solution is not a failed effort to redefine free speech, but to stop opposing free speech.

2 thoughts on “Stanford and the Legacy of the Leonard Law

  1. This is an interesting question as to whether campus speakers can be characterized as a student proxy, or can act in an agency capacity, under student free speech latitude. I think the writer has made a credible argument that they can (in broad speech-act theory) including by extension, prior restraint exclusionary privilege, and accurately points out (or implies) that faculty interference in this right, appears misguided. It is, for at least two reasons: one, it signals biased judgement to students and diminishes faculty credibility; and two, it may even be legally out of bounds (btw, the newspaper example is interesting, in that most if not all student newspapers and media are, by their charter, independent from the university corporation. Moreover, faculty contributors, so suppressed by restraint, would certainly make an assertion in academic freedom: so, which is controlling?).

    The Leonard Law (the private analogue of Dickey v. Alabama, in some regards) is otherwise fascinating when compared to the extensive escalating doctrine of punishments that the University of Chicago threatens its students (and others) with, articulated in its corporate articles, which persists despite the rather favorable if enthusiastic impression in higher education, of the “Chicago Principles” of free speech order. One wonders if the State of Illinois should advance a similar protective law for its private university constituents.

    There are some equally fascinating complications however. One involves the recent White House executive order (EO) concerning conservative speech accommodation on campus, and the threat of federal financial withholding if found in violation (which effectively turns a private university into a public one). Another involves the December 2019 “Executive Order on Combating Anti-Semitism” which has been challenged on free speech grounds due to its suppressive effects concerning the BDS initiative, and the ability to advance and sustain political criticism at an institutional level. The EO curiously equates a country with a person, and thereby sets up a Title VI trigger:

    So, would BDS advocates would be encouraged at Stanford, and also survive prior restraint, given the EO (and Hoover Institute’s corporate conflicts of interest)? I suspect inviting students would need Leonard, the Constitution, stare decisis in Dickey, and anything else they could get their hands on, to prevail.

    Last, the writer states “I believe that private colleges should be persuaded to protect intellectual freedom, not forced by the government to do so, and that colleges should aspire to have stronger standards to better protect free expression than the requirements of First Amendment law.” Yes, indeed. I agree in principle, and did so in the WSJ a few years ago (https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-government-and-free-speech-on-campus-1510000926). However, self-regulation seems elusive in general, and I don’t see why “private” universities should be carved out from Dickey, and Dixon v. Alabama, nor why their fantastic level of federal funding (or its threat of withholding in the EO) should not make it, and all private institutions, equally compliant in public doctrine. But there’s more: if Leonard can be extended to public speakers from outside the campus, than can the constitutional rights of the speaker, be extended to the private campus? Is the student-speaker identity theory a bi-lateral one? I would argue it is.

    [Otherwise, there is one issue someone might take issue with: the writer advances an interesting position when he says “…we don’t want the left to look like it opposes free speech.” This may make one wonder who “we” is, and question if this essay is a genuine concern over free speech doctrine, or a somewhat veiled political motivation to optically manage the institutional well-being of his ideological alliance–itself a somewhat disquieting problem vis-a-vis higher education standards].

    Given the encroaching constitutional challenges that are on the horizon concerning federal and state campus public health policy (forced medical, identity and behavior procedures), it will be interesting to see how well free speech, the Constitution, and Leonard, among others, may survive.

    Good article. Thank you and regards, ’96, University of Chicago.

    • One issue you bring up: In reality, very few campus publications are independent from the university. Only a few newspapers at large public colleges or wealthy private ones have independent status, and even then the newspaper may be subsidized by the university in the form of free office space (Chicago Maroon) or money from student fees (Daily Cal). At private colleges, being independent can still lead to censorship, if the college restricts access or distribution. The AAUP helped produce an excellent report on the student press in 2016, https://www.aaup.org/report/threats-independence-student-media

Comments are closed.